2012年10月26日

キューバ危機50年 1962年から凍りついたままの米国とキューバ


The Cuban Missile Crisis at 50: America and Cuba Still Frozen in 1962
( TIME )

It’s hard to attribute anything but coincidence to the fact that
Cuban President Raul Castro issued a major immigration reform on
Tuesday, Oct. 16, which was the 50th anniversary of the start of the
Cold War’s most harrowing moment, the Cuban Missile Crisis. But the
two things are nonetheless related. Castro’s reform -- eliminating
the onerous exit visa requirement for Cubans who want to travel
outside the communist island -- is a reminder of how the missile
crisis prompted both Washington and Havana to shut down movement into
and out of Cuba for the past half century. And it’s one more sign
among many that each side needs to put that cold-war past behind it.

Eight months before Oct. 16, 1962 -- the day U.S. President John F.
Kennedy was informed of the presence of Soviet nuclear missiles in
Cuba, just 90 miles from Florida -- the U.S. had already imposed a
unilateral trade embargo on the regime of Cuban dictator Fidel
Castro. That’s largely because Fidel, who ruled Cuba from 1959 until
handing the presidency to his younger brother Raul in 2006, had
aligned his Caribbean nation with the Soviet Union. Now, by letting
the Soviets use bases in Cuba to position ballistic missiles that
could strike deep into the U.S. -- and by urging Soviet leader Nikita
Khrushchev, according to Khrushchev’s account, to fire those
missiles when Kennedy ordered a naval blockade of the island during
the 13-day U.S.-Soviet standoff -- Fidel had further stoked
Washington’s wrath.

The crisis ended peacefully when the Soviets removed the missiles in
exchange for a pledge to eventually remove U.S. missiles from Turkey.
But a few months later, on top of the trade embargo, Kennedy ordered
a ban on all U.S. travel to Cuba. Meanwhile, Fidel tightened
restrictions on Cubans’ ability to leave the island. The embargo and
the U.S. travel ban, incredibly, are still in effect -- and so is the
Cuban regime’s policy of using those measures as a scapegoat for the
impoverished island’s economic blunders and as an excuse for the
repression of political rights. “For 50 years,” says Tomas Bilbao,
executive director of the Cuba Study Group in Washington, D.C., which
advocates an end to the embargo as well as democratic reform in Cuba,
“both sides have continually taken measures that prevent the free
flow of people, to the detriment of Cuban civil society. Now both
sides are finally starting to take steps to facilitate it.”

But while that calculation worked for communist China, it’s a bigger
gamble in Cuba, where communism’s viability is much more dependent
on the personality cult of the Castros. Which is why it’s ultimately
more in the interests of U.S. Cuba policy to drop the embargo and the
constitutionally questionable travel ban, laws that even most
Cuban-Americans now agree are relics that need to go. For one thing,
those measures have failed, utterly, to dislodge the Castros. As a
result, engaging Cuba economically -- more important, engaging the 12
million hapless Cubans who after half a century are still paying for
cold-war clashes like the Bay of Pigs and the missile crisis -- could
help lay stronger groundwork for democratization when old age finally
accomplishes what U.S. sanctions couldn’t.


■ Uh-huh... なるへそ特記事項 ■


■ 1段落目

attribute:(結果を〜に)帰する、(性質を〜に)ありとする

研究社・新英和中辞典の例文を引きますと、

She attributed her success to good luck.

(彼女は自分の成功は幸運のせいだと言った。)

「to」以下が理由や原因です。だとすると、原文は逆では?との疑問が湧きま
す。「偶然の一致以外のすべて(anything but coincidence)とは言えないの
は、事実(fact)〜だからだ」と読むのでしょうか。何かへそ曲がりだなあ。

harrow:馬鍬、すき、(精神的に)苦しめる、かき乱す

onerous:厄介な、面倒な


■ 2段落目

embargo:(船舶の)抑留、出・入港禁止、通商停止

regime:(非民主的で好ましくない)政権、体制

align:一列に整列させる、提携する・させる

stoke:火をたく、燃料をくべる

wrath:激怒、憤り


■ 3段落目

blunder:しくじり、へま(をする)

detriment:損害、損傷

「to the detriment of 〜」で「〜に損害を与えるほどに」。


■ 4段落目

経済的にはオープンになって、でも政治的には共産党ががっちり政権を握ると
いう中国みたいになる可能性があるのではないかという段落に続くパラグラフ
です。

viability:実行可能性、生存能力

relic:(歴史的な)遺物、名残り

dislodge:(陣地・守備位置などから)追い払う、除去する

hapless:不運な、不幸な


■ さらば日本語ふむふむ読み ■


The Cuban Missile Crisis at 50: America and Cuba Still Frozen in 1962
( TIME )


It’s hard to attribute anything but coincidence to the fact

that Cuban President Raul Castro issued a major immigration reform

on Tuesday, Oct. 16,

which was the 50th anniversary

of the start of the Cold War’s most harrowing moment,

the Cuban Missile Crisis.

But the two things are nonetheless related.

Castro’s reform --

eliminating the onerous exit visa requirement

for Cubans who want to travel outside the communist island --

is a reminder

of how the missile crisis prompted both Washington and Havana

to shut down movement into and out of Cuba for the past half century.

And it’s one more sign among many

that each side needs to put that cold-war past behind it.


Eight months before Oct. 16, 1962 --

the day

U.S. President John F. Kennedy was informed

of the presence of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba,

just 90 miles from Florida --

the U.S. had already imposed a unilateral trade embargo

on the regime of Cuban dictator Fidel Castro.

That’s largely because Fidel,

who ruled Cuba from 1959

until handing the presidency to his younger brother Raul in 2006,

had aligned his Caribbean nation with the Soviet Union.

Now,

by letting the Soviets use bases in Cuba

to position ballistic missiles

that could strike deep into the U.S. --

and by urging Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev,

according to Khrushchev’s account,

to fire those missiles

when Kennedy ordered a naval blockade of the island

during the 13-day U.S.-Soviet standoff --

Fidel had further stoked Washington’s wrath.


The crisis ended peacefully

when the Soviets removed the missiles

in exchange for a pledge

to eventually remove U.S. missiles from Turkey.

But a few months later,

on top of the trade embargo,

Kennedy ordered a ban on all U.S. travel to Cuba.

Meanwhile,

Fidel tightened restrictions on Cubans’ ability to leave the island.

The embargo and the U.S. travel ban,

incredibly, are still in effect --

and so is the Cuban regime’s policy of using those measures

as a scapegoat for the impoverished island’s economic blunders

and as an excuse for the repression of political rights.

“For 50 years,”

says Tomas Bilbao,

executive director of the Cuba Study Group in Washington, D.C.,

which advocates an end to the embargo

as well as democratic reform in Cuba,

“both sides have continually taken measures

that prevent the free flow of people,

to the detriment of Cuban civil society.

Now both sides are finally starting to take steps to facilitate it.”


But while that calculation worked for communist China,

it’s a bigger gamble in Cuba,

where communism’s viability is much more dependent

on the personality cult of the Castros.

Which is why it’s ultimately more in the interests

of U.S. Cuba policy

to drop the embargo and the constitutionally questionable travel ban,

laws

that even most Cuban-Americans now agree are relics

that need to go.

For one thing,

those measures have failed, utterly, to dislodge the Castros.

As a result,

engaging Cuba economically --

more important,

engaging the 12 million hapless Cubans

who after half a century are still paying for cold-war clashes

like the Bay of Pigs and the missile crisis --

could help lay stronger groundwork for democratization

when old age finally accomplishes what U.S. sanctions couldn’t.


■ お帰り日本語ふむなる試訳 ■


キューバ危機50年 1962年から凍りついたままの米国とキューバ
( TIME )

この事実を偶然以外のものに帰するのは難しい。ラウル・カストロ国家評議会
議長が大規模な移民改革を発表した10月16日火曜日は、冷戦下における最も苦
悩に満ちた瞬間の始まりから50周年の記念日だった。キューバのミサイル危機
だ。だがこの2つの出来事は、それでもなお関係がある。カストロの改革−−
共産主義の島の外への渡航を望むキューバ人のために面倒な出国ビザの要件を
撤廃する−−は想起させるからだ。ミサイル危機がいかに過去半世紀、ワシン
トンとハバナにキューバ出入国の停止へと向かわせたか。そして、とりわけも
う1つのことを示している。両者は冷戦という過去と決別したい。

1962年10月16日−−この日、ジョン・F・ケネディ米大統領は、フロリダから
90マイルしか離れていないキューバにおけるソ連の核ミサイルの存在を知らさ
れる−−の8カ月前、米国はすでにキューバの独裁者フィデル・カストロ政権
に一方的に通商停止を課していた。その大きな理由は、フィデル(1959年から
議長職を弟のラウルに手渡す2006年までキューバを支配した)によって、その
カリブ海の国家がソビエト連邦と手を結んでいたことにあった。だが、いまや
ソ連はキューバの基地を使って弾道ミサイルを配備し、米国の奥深くまで攻撃
することができる。−−そして、ソ連の指導者ニキータ・フルシチョフには
(フルシチョフの説明によれば)けしかけていた。13日間に及ぶ米ソの睨み合
いの際にケネディが島の海上封鎖を命じたら、それらのミサイルを発射してい
い。−−フィデルはこうしてワシントンの憤怒の炎に油を注いだ。

危機は平和裏に終わった。ソ連が、最終的には米国のミサイルもトルコから撤
去されるという確約と引き換えにミサイルを撤去したからだ。だが数カ月後、
通商停止に加えて、ケネディは全米国人にキューバへの渡航の禁止を命じた。
一方のフィデルもキューバ人が島から出られないように規制を厳しくした。通
商停止と米国渡航禁止は信じられないことに、いまも効力がある。−−そして、
キューバ政権がこうした措置を貧窮する島国の経済的失策の身代わりとして、
さらには政治的権利の抑圧の口実として利用する政策も然りだ。「50年もの
間」と、ワシントンD.C.のキューバ・スタディ・グループ事務局長Tomas
Bilbaoは言う(同グループは通商停止の終結とキューバの民主改革を支持す
る)。「両者は絶えず人々の自由な往来を阻む措置を取って、キューバの市民
社会に害を及ぼしてきた。いま、両者はようやくその促進のための対策に手を
つけたところだ」

だが、こうした計算は共産主義中国ではうまく行ったが、キューバではもっと
大きな賭けになる。かの地の共産主義の存続能力は、カストロ家の個人崇拝に
もっと大きく依存しているからだ。こうしたことから、通商停止や憲法上の問
題がある渡航禁止を取りやめることは、究極的にはむしろ米国のキューバ政策
の利益になる。これらの法律は、大半のキューバ系米国人でさえいまやなくな
ってほしい遺物だと認めている。ひとつには、こうした措置は、まったくと言
っていいほど、カストロ家の退陣にはつながらなかった。結果として、キュー
バと経済的に関わること−−もっと重要なのは、半世紀を経てもピッグス湾や
ミサイル危機といった冷戦下の衝突のつけを払っている1千200万の不遇なキ
ューバ人と関わること−−が、民主化の固い土台を敷くことに資するのではな
いか。そのときに長い歳月がようやく、米国の制裁では成し遂げられなかった
ことを実らせるのではないか。


■ もう一度ふむなるTIMEしよう! ■


The Cuban Missile Crisis at 50: America and Cuba Still Frozen in 1962
( TIME )

It’s hard to attribute anything but coincidence to the fact that
Cuban President Raul Castro issued a major immigration reform on
Tuesday, Oct. 16, which was the 50th anniversary of the start of the
Cold War’s most harrowing moment, the Cuban Missile Crisis. But the
two things are nonetheless related. Castro’s reform -- eliminating
the onerous exit visa requirement for Cubans who want to travel
outside the communist island -- is a reminder of how the missile
crisis prompted both Washington and Havana to shut down movement into
and out of Cuba for the past half century. And it’s one more sign
among many that each side needs to put that cold-war past behind it.

Eight months before Oct. 16, 1962 -- the day U.S. President John F.
Kennedy was informed of the presence of Soviet nuclear missiles in
Cuba, just 90 miles from Florida -- the U.S. had already imposed a
unilateral trade embargo on the regime of Cuban dictator Fidel
Castro. That’s largely because Fidel, who ruled Cuba from 1959 until
handing the presidency to his younger brother Raul in 2006, had
aligned his Caribbean nation with the Soviet Union. Now, by letting
the Soviets use bases in Cuba to position ballistic missiles that
could strike deep into the U.S. -- and by urging Soviet leader Nikita
Khrushchev, according to Khrushchev’s account, to fire those
missiles when Kennedy ordered a naval blockade of the island during
the 13-day U.S.-Soviet standoff -- Fidel had further stoked
Washington’s wrath.

The crisis ended peacefully when the Soviets removed the missiles in
exchange for a pledge to eventually remove U.S. missiles from Turkey.
But a few months later, on top of the trade embargo, Kennedy ordered
a ban on all U.S. travel to Cuba. Meanwhile, Fidel tightened
restrictions on Cubans’ ability to leave the island. The embargo and
the U.S. travel ban, incredibly, are still in effect -- and so is the
Cuban regime’s policy of using those measures as a scapegoat for the
impoverished island’s economic blunders and as an excuse for the
repression of political rights. “For 50 years,” says Tomas Bilbao,
executive director of the Cuba Study Group in Washington, D.C., which
advocates an end to the embargo as well as democratic reform in Cuba,
“both sides have continually taken measures that prevent the free
flow of people, to the detriment of Cuban civil society. Now both
sides are finally starting to take steps to facilitate it.”

But while that calculation worked for communist China, it’s a bigger
gamble in Cuba, where communism’s viability is much more dependent
on the personality cult of the Castros. Which is why it’s ultimately
more in the interests of U.S. Cuba policy to drop the embargo and the
constitutionally questionable travel ban, laws that even most
Cuban-Americans now agree are relics that need to go. For one thing,
those measures have failed, utterly, to dislodge the Castros. As a
result, engaging Cuba economically -- more important, engaging the 12
million hapless Cubans who after half a century are still paying for
cold-war clashes like the Bay of Pigs and the missile crisis -- could
help lay stronger groundwork for democratization when old age finally
accomplishes what U.S. sanctions couldn’t.


■ もっとふむなるしたい人は、記事の続きも読んでみよう!
 ↓ ↓ ↓
http://ti.me/RQD0Nz


■ 編集後記 ■


秋が深まってきました。今日から焼酎もお湯割りです。メルマガの原稿も飲み
ながら書いていたりします。時々(多々?)現れる、素っ頓狂な訳文もその影
響かもしれません。今回もまたありそうな^^:


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