2012年11月13日

ミット・ロムニーを支持する根拠


The Case for Mitt Romney
( TIME )

Mitt Romney does not naturally inspire adulation. In school, he
should have been voted least likely to engender a cult of
personality. It is almost surprising to hear crowds at his rallies
chant his name.

A President Romney would be utterly unburdened by messianic
expectations. If he’s elected, the American public will have hired
him to do a job, not to save the planet or redeem our politics.
Thankfully. We’ve had enough self-styled heroic government to last
us a good long time.

President Romney’s task would be simple, if not easy: to reform
government for the 21st century and put it on a basis more conducive
to private-sector growth and long-term national solvency.

He and running mate Paul Ryan are the candidates of change at a time
when our future depends on it. The welfare state is in crisis around
the Western world, especially in Europe but also here at home --
acutely in such states as California and Illinois. It is creaking
under dated assumptions, aging populations and the unavoidable truth
of the age-old axiom that you can’t spend money that you don’t have.

What have been drags on Romney’s appeal as a candidate might suit
him in doing this job. He really does care about the data. He is
bloodlessly efficient and highly rational. An important player in the
transformation of the private sector at Bain Capital, he now might
get a leading role in the modernization of American government.

The President’s case for re-election has been weak, in keeping with
the weakness of his record. Let’s stipulate that he inherited a
punishing recession. But the argument that Bush’s policies “got us
into this mess” (and by extension, that Romney’s would do the same)
is better partisanship than history. In 2007, years after the Bush
tax cuts, the budget deficit was all of $161 billion. There is no
plausible economic theory by which tax cuts caused the housing bubble
and subsequent financial crisis.

The mantra that Obama saved us from another Great Depression rings
hollow since the recession officially ended in June 2009, before any
of his policies had a chance to take effect. He shot $800 billion on
the stimulus and got nothing for it except some pleased spendthrift
allies in Congress. His faith was in a simplistic Keynesianism that
said willy-nilly government spending could cure the downturn. Alas,
the economy is more complicated than that.


■ Uh-huh... なるへそ特記事項 ■


■ 1段落目

adulation:追従、お世辞、むやみな称賛


■ 2段落目

1番目の文に「would」が使われています。仮定法です。主語には「ロムニー大
統領が誕生すれば」の意味が含まれています。これは11月1日の記事です。

redeem:弁済する、償還する、(名誉などを)取り返す

last:最後(の)、持ちこたえる、ながらえる

The food will last us (for) a week.

(この食料は私たちを1週間持ちこたえさせるだろう。)

この段落には「thankfully」という副詞1語でピリオドという文もあります。
どんな日本語訳にすればいいのやら。やれやれ。


■ 3段落目

conducive:資する、助けとなる

solvency:支払い・弁済能力のあること

その反対が「insolvency」。時事英語に必須です。


■ 4段落目

axiom: 公理、自明の理、格言


■ 5段落目

drag:引く、引きずる(もの)、邪魔もの、妨げ

suit:スーツ、←ひと揃い、満足させる、便利である、似合う

What time suits you best?

(何時がいちばん都合がいいでしょうか?)


■ 6段落目

以下は、オバマ大統領批判。本文でも下の方です。

stipulate:規定する、明記する

plausible:もっともらしい、まことしやかな


■ 7段落目

spendthrift:金づかいの荒い人、浪費家

willy-nilly:行き当たりばったりの、否応なしの


■ さらば日本語ふむふむ読み ■


The Case for Mitt Romney
( TIME )


Mitt Romney does not naturally inspire adulation.

In school,

he should have been voted

least likely to engender a cult of personality.

It is almost surprising

to hear crowds at his rallies chant his name.


A President Romney would be utterly unburdened

by messianic expectations.

If he’s elected,

the American public will have hired him to do a job,

not to save the planet or redeem our politics.

Thankfully.

We’ve had enough self-styled heroic government

to last us a good long time.


President Romney’s task would be simple,

if not easy:

to reform government for the 21st century

and put it on a basis

more conducive to private-sector growth

and long-term national solvency.


He and running mate Paul Ryan are the candidates of change

at a time when our future depends on it.

The welfare state is in crisis around the Western world,

especially in Europe but also here at home --

acutely in such states as California and Illinois.

It is creaking under dated assumptions,

aging populations

and the unavoidable truth of the age-old axiom

that you can’t spend money that you don’t have.


What have been drags on Romney’s appeal as a candidate

might suit him in doing this job.

He really does care about the data.

He is bloodlessly efficient and highly rational.

An important player

in the transformation of the private sector at Bain Capital,

he now might get a leading role

in the modernization of American government.


The President’s case for re-election has been weak,

in keeping with the weakness of his record.

Let’s stipulate that he inherited a punishing recession.

But the argument

that Bush’s policies “got us into this mess”

(and by extension, that Romney’s would do the same)

is better partisanship than history.

In 2007,

years after the Bush tax cuts,

the budget deficit was all of $161 billion.

There is no plausible economic theory

by which tax cuts caused the housing bubble

and subsequent financial crisis.


The mantra

that Obama saved us from another Great Depression

rings hollow

since the recession officially ended in June 2009,

before any of his policies had a chance to take effect.

He shot $800 billion on the stimulus

and got nothing for it

except some pleased spendthrift allies in Congress.

His faith was in a simplistic Keynesianism

that said willy-nilly government spending could cure the downturn.

Alas,

the economy is more complicated than that.


■ お帰り日本語ふむなる試訳 ■


ミット・ロムニーを支持する根拠
( TIME )

ミット・ロムニーに過度な称賛を喚起する天分はない。学生時代には個人崇拝
の対象になりえないと目されたはずだ。だから、これは驚きに近い。集会に集
まった人々が彼の名前を連呼する声が聞こえる。

ロムニー大統領は、まったく救世主の期待を背負わないだろう。彼が選ばれる
とすれば、米国民がひと仕事をしてもらうために雇うことになるからだ。世界
を救うためでも、政治をあがなうためでもない。やれやれ、私たちは英雄自任
型の政治を十分に堪能しながら、長い年月を持ちこたえた。

ロムニー大統領の課題は単純なものになるだろう。容易ではないが、21世紀の
政治を改革して、これを民間部門の成長と長期的な国の返済能力に大きく資す
る土台の上に築くことだ。

彼と伴走者のポール・ライアンは変化の候補者であり、この時代の明日はそこ
にかかっている。社会保障制度は欧米世界の至るところで危機に瀕している。
特にヨーロッパだが、この国もまた然り、カリフォルニア州やイリノイ州など
で深刻だ。それがきしむ音を立てているのは、時代遅れの考え方や人口の高齢
化、そして古くからの格言にいう避けがたい真実の重さによる。すなわち、な
い袖は振れない。

ロムニーの候補者としての魅力の妨げになってきたものが、この仕事をする上
で奏効するかもしれない。彼は実にデータに注意を払う。非情なほど効率的で、
徹底して合理的だ。ベインキャピタルで民間部門を変革する重要人物だった彼
が、今度は米政府の近代化を主導する役割を担うかもしれない。

大統領の再選を支持する根拠は弱く、これまでの実績の弱さと足並みを揃えて
いる。彼は景気後退の痛手を継承したと書き出してみよう。だが、「ブッシュ
の政策が私たちを混乱に突き落とした」(そしてその延長線で、ロムニーも同
じことをするだろう)という議論は歴史ではなく党派主義と言った方がいい。
2007年、ブッシュの減税から数年後の財政赤字はわずかに1610億ドルだった。
一体どんなまことしやかな経済理論があって、減税が住宅バブルとその後の金
融危機を引き起こしたと言うのか。

オバマが世界大恐慌の再来から私たちを救ったという呪文は、空しく響く。景
気後退は公的に2009年6月に終っていて、いかなる政策も効果を上げる機会に
達していなかったからだ。彼は刺激策として8000億ドルを注入しながら、何も
得られなかった。ただ、連邦議会で浪費家の同志を喜ばせただけだった。彼が
信仰を置くひどく単純化されたケインズ主義は、場当たり的な政府支出で落ち
込みを癒せるという。嗚呼、経済はもっと複雑なものなのだが。


■ もう一度ふむなるTIMEしよう! ■


The Case for Mitt Romney
( TIME )

Mitt Romney does not naturally inspire adulation. In school, he
should have been voted least likely to engender a cult of
personality. It is almost surprising to hear crowds at his rallies
chant his name.

A President Romney would be utterly unburdened by messianic
expectations. If he’s elected, the American public will have hired
him to do a job, not to save the planet or redeem our politics.
Thankfully. We’ve had enough self-styled heroic government to last
us a good long time.

President Romney’s task would be simple, if not easy: to reform
government for the 21st century and put it on a basis more conducive
to private-sector growth and long-term national solvency.

He and running mate Paul Ryan are the candidates of change at a time
when our future depends on it. The welfare state is in crisis around
the Western world, especially in Europe but also here at home --
acutely in such states as California and Illinois. It is creaking
under dated assumptions, aging populations and the unavoidable truth
of the age-old axiom that you can’t spend money that you don’t have.

What have been drags on Romney’s appeal as a candidate might suit
him in doing this job. He really does care about the data. He is
bloodlessly efficient and highly rational. An important player in the
transformation of the private sector at Bain Capital, he now might
get a leading role in the modernization of American government.

The President’s case for re-election has been weak, in keeping with
the weakness of his record. Let’s stipulate that he inherited a
punishing recession. But the argument that Bush’s policies “got us
into this mess” (and by extension, that Romney’s would do the same)
is better partisanship than history. In 2007, years after the Bush
tax cuts, the budget deficit was all of $161 billion. There is no
plausible economic theory by which tax cuts caused the housing bubble
and subsequent financial crisis.

The mantra that Obama saved us from another Great Depression rings
hollow since the recession officially ended in June 2009, before any
of his policies had a chance to take effect. He shot $800 billion on
the stimulus and got nothing for it except some pleased spendthrift
allies in Congress. His faith was in a simplistic Keynesianism that
said willy-nilly government spending could cure the downturn. Alas,
the economy is more complicated than that.


■ もっとふむなるしたい人は、記事の続きも読んでみよう!
 ↓ ↓ ↓
http://ti.me/SGVOzk


■ 編集後記 ■


NHKの「平清盛」もいよいよ佳境。久しぶりに連続ドラマを完走できそうです。
でも、番組を見ていてなじめなかった点が1つ。主役の松山ケンイチはじめ、
知っている顔がほとんどいない!昔は洋画・邦画を問わず映画もたくさん見て
いたので、自分はまず周回遅れの年寄りにはならないと思っていたのに、最近
はそんなことがしばしばです。という訳で、当メルマガでは米大統領選の結果
もこれからのお楽しみ、なのでした。


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